The novel "Summer`s End", written by Francis Irwin and published in 2010, purports to tell the story of Francis Lovell`s life from the end of 1467 to his death. It`s written in the first person, and is framed as Francis, shortly before his death, narrating his own life story. This setup could have given the novel the chance to be something rather unusual, illuminating the events of the Wars of the Roses from a perspective that is explored less and giving historical characters who are often only mentioned in passing or ignored completely some spotlight.
Sadly, however, this is not what this novel does. In fact, the narrative does not even seem to dwell long on the actual events in Francis`s life, and most of the people we have evidence he was close to, he actually cared about, are not mentioned a lot, instead having to yield the bulk of the narrative to a person we have no evidence he was close to or cared about: Anne Neville. The longer the book goes on, the more it feels like it is meant to be a description of how perfect Anne Neville was and how wonderfully she coped with having the most tragical life in 15th century England, rather than the story about Francis Lovell`s life.
This focus on Anne Neville is achieved by portraying Francis as being one-sidedly in love with her. While there is absolutely no evidence for him even liking her, and in fact some cirumstantial evidence that both he and his wife didn`t, this would not necessarily have to be a problem. There is little enough evidence about any relationship they may have had to not make any changes to it jarring, and fiction is naturally free to make changes to historical fact to create a compelling story. However, in this case, the storyline of Francis being in love with Anne Neville, who is blissfully in love with, and married to, his best friend
and does not know anything about his feelings, goes absolutely nowhere. There is no indication anything has
changed from the moment Francis first mentions her in 1467, to the
moment he dies, there has been no character development resulting from it and no actual conflict resulting from it. The result is that Francis`s long and often tedious exultations of Anne feel like character shilling, and Francis like a mouthpiece to beat the reader over the head with Anne Neville`s perfection.
Over the course of the novel the reader is told Anne is very kind, very brave, very frail (and bravely bearing this), in a marriage of unheard of bliss with Richard of Gloucester, very kind, very brave, very frail, in a marriage .... None of this, however, is really shown. It`s mostly simply told by Francis, who it appears has little else to do but be hopelessly in love.
Most of the events of Francis`s life are referenced, but
given rather little spotlight, especially in comparison how much spotlight events he`s only indirectly involved in, such as Richard of Gloucester and Anne Neville`s wedding - where he`s a guest - get. A typical example for this is his
elevation to viscouncy, to which only half a page is devoted. The actual ceremony is not shown, and Francis shows so little interest in it that the reader might be forgiven for thinking such an elevation was no more than a common Christmas present. Other notable events in his life not involving Anne Neville in some way, or to a lesser extent Richard of Gloucester, get dismissed just as much.
This impression of Francis`s own story not really being the centre of the book, or even of much interest to the story it tries to tell, is reinforced by the fact some of what is know
about his life is portrayed incorrectly, for no narrative reason. It gets the year he was knighted wrong, makes his sister Frideswide several years older than she really was, and most
jarringly, gets his reaction to a pardon by Henry VII`s government completely wrong. While the actual Francis rejected a pardon, choosing to place his loyalty to his fallen friend and king over a quiet life under the victor, in this book he is portrayed as not being offered a pardon and wishing he was.
This is not only insulting to the real man, as it denies him some of his most remarkable traits and decisions, it is also not even portrayed consistently, as Francis also claims to never want to come to terms with Henry VII when in an argument with his wife. Maybe this is because Anne Neville is dead by that point in the narrative and therefore it has lost its centre and has less interest in what happens, maybe it is meant to be a sudden change of mind which is, however, never explored, or maybe it is just an easy excuse for an argument between Francis and his wife, who spent most of their time together in the novel arguing.
Because the novel is so utterly preoccupied with having Francis borderline obsessed with Anne Neville, it sadly misses its chance to shine some more light on the less famous
people in Francis`s life. This really feels like a pity, for it could have done really well. The groundwork is there, such as a nice scene in which Francis talks with one of his associates, Edward Franke, about dogs - but it is not followed up on, and he, as well as most other characters, remain pale. Others, such as his brothers-in-law Richard and George, do not get mentioned at all.
The
notable and praiseworthy exception to this is Francis`s mother-in-law,
Alice FitzHugh, who is given a sympathetic and rounded portrayal. Her
daughter, Francis`s wife, is not quite so lucky. Though nowhere near as
badly portrayed as in many other novels about the time, she still has a
distinct feel of second-best to her, starting with her name.
Inexplicably, she is called Anna, a name often used in fiction but
incorrect. Why a book about Francis could not name his wife correctly
or, potentially to avoid confusion since readers are used to her being
named thus in fiction, at least say "Anna" is a nickname is a mystery.
The
incorrectly named Anna seems to be the aware of the medium, and
resenting it. While all other characters display a hugely unrealistic
tendency to mention, adore, worry about and comment on Anne Neville in
any and all situations, or perhaps Francis simply stops listening when
they do not, she is the only one who points out the ridiculousness of
this, and especially Francis`s complete preoccupation with her.
This is perfectly understandable and echoed my thoughts as reader
more than once, but tellingly, it is meant to be a bad character trait,
and one she eventually regrets, though thankfully she never quite gives
into the worship many other characters and the narrative afford Anne.
Though this is not meant to be sympathetic, it most definitely is, as
she is a constant victim of supposedly unflattering comparisons to Anne
Neville, during which the latter always is meant to come off better.
One typical example of this is when Francis thinks that "Anna, tall, independent, strong-willed Anna, was the exact opposite of the kind of woman who attracted me". While there is absolutely no evidence the actual Francis found his wife, who genuinely appeared to be indendent and strong-willed, unattractive and he seemed close to her, there is nothing wrong with him thinking so in fiction, and again, it could make for some drama in the narrative. It doesn`t; instead, it is followed up by what is clearly the actual point of this sentence, when Francis thinks "wistfully of my gentle, sweet Anne."
The worst about this is that the narrative is clearly not only sympathetic with this but agrees, trying to make the reader resent "Anna" for being independent and strong-willed, not character traits that are typically seen as bad, and generally committing the crime of not being exactly like Anne Neville. It´s not presented as Francis feeling bad for loving Anne Neville or wanting his wife to be her carbon copy, it`s presented as Anna being in the wrong for not being Anne Neville.
The novel alludes several times to the fact that Francis neglects Anna, so that she really has no choice
but to be independent, and that she really cares for Francis, but this is another maddening instance, as with Edward Franke above, where groundwork is laid for something that is not followed through, nor even used in the narrative to treat the character more sympathetically. This is mainly because her husband, providing the first person point of view, is uninterested in
anything but what Anne Neville does, how she looks, what she says, and
how much in love she is with Richard of Gloucester.
In fact, this often makes Francis display a complete lack of empathy, and makes it a miracle that Anna still
manages to show any loyalty to him. One such case is when Francis dismisses his own sister Joan`s death in six lines without apparent
emotion, only to then immediately segue into a far longer, very
emotional description of his horror at seeing Anne not look too well.
Both the narrative and Francis clearly think Anne Neville looking unwell is a far greater horror than Joan Lovell actually dying. Not that it would have rung as realistic, in this novel, if Francis had been horrified at his sister`s death, for despite the evidence showing the two being close in real life, his interactions with her maybe fill one page taken together, and she is never developed beyond a throw-away comment at the beginning that she is more sedate than Francis`s other sister Frideswide - which is never shown in any way.
This fate she shares with several characters. Richard of Gloucester, arguably one of the, if not the most, important person in Francis`s life, remains curiously pale as well. Francis does mention several times "how much I enjoyed Richard`s friendship", but there is no sense as to why. The two rarely speak from person to person, and one of those interactions is Richard screaming at Francis for no good reason when he tries to offer his condolences for the loss of his son. Another is Richard info-dumping what happened to his famous nephews, the so-called Princes in the Tower. This may be the scene in which the two are shown to be the closest, and Francis barely gets a word in edgewise. Perhaps the greatest show of friendship between the two actually being of any importance in the novel is Richard, age 15, sending a puppy to Francis, age 11. However, naturally, it is then stressed in the immediately following scene how much fun Anne and Francis have playing with the puppy, and it is a sentence from her that names the dog, so that even this gesture feels as if it is far more about Anne than about Richard, Francis, or their friendship. Actual signs of friendship between the two are either not mentioned - such as Richard giving Francis the privilege of knighting two other men after knighting him - or mentioned in a half-sentence. Even Francis being made lord chamberlain is treated like this. He mentions it once, in another argument with his wife, and then it`s promptly forgotten and none of Francis`s actions are in any way informed by it.
Apart from his friendship with Francis, Richard of Gloucester`s actions, much like Francis`s, are referenced without generating much interest, except when Francis can gush how lucky he is that he has Anne Neville and how much in love they are and that there is no one in the world but Anne Neville. Absolutely everything in this book is about her, and only her. Francis explicitly says that his friendship with Richard would most likely not have become as it was had they not both looked for Anne when she was hidden away by her brother-in-law George of Clarence in a cookshop. After Richard`s coronation, which is again not shown, his foremost thought is that "it was a wonder the queen had made it through the day so well". Even the put-upon Anna finds herself referencing her when airing very private worries about her childlessness,
commenting, for no good reason, on how Anne has a child and has
therefore done her duty as wife better than she, despite the fact
"everyone thought she was too frail to carry a child to term".
Anne`s frailness and her supposed immense tragedy are huge parts of the book as well. Everything is tragical for her. She, in Francis`s words "endured [her coronation] without complaint", rather than being happy at being queen or seeing it as something to celebrate, as it was a huge honour and put her above all other women in the realm. She is not just put into a cookshop "in the disguise of a kitchen maid" by George of Clarence, something that was claimed by one source over a decade after the fact and is doubtful if it ever happened, she is said to have had to work very hard there, and George is literally said to have wanted to murder her. Anne`s first husband Edward of Lancaster was "hateful" to her. Anne`s inability to have more than one child gets more sympathy than Anna`s - and Francis`s own - complete lack of children. According to this book, Anne is perfect, kind, a perpetual victim - but has no other character traits. Despite the fact that large bits of the novel treat Francis as a vessel for her worship, after reading it there is no sense of what Anne enjoys doing, what she likes, dislikes, what amuses her, or even why Francis is so focused on her.
In fact, not even Francis himself is a very engaging character, since, as stated above he seems more concerned with
summing up what is happening to him rather than showing it happening to
him. The fact that his own relationships have so little colour and that the one which has any depth, with Anna, is him mostly arguing with her, does not make him particularly sympathetic. In fact, the most sympathetic characters in the novel are Alice FitzHugh and Anna. If Francis had been shown to be close to them, as he actually was, this book could have been great.
It
is really a shame that the book does not make more out of its premise.
Some characters were very promising - but the promise was not fulfilled.
Friday, 23 March 2018
Sunday, 18 March 2018
George FitzHugh`s last will and testament
Anne Lovell`s brother, and Francis`s brother-in-law, George FitzHugh, died on 20th November 1505. He was a clergyman, and only left a fairly short will. It is mostly notable for his mention of his mother, Alice FitzHugh, whom he names as one of his executors. George appears to have written this will shortly before his death, meaning that Alice was still alive in 1505.
The original text of the will is in Latin. In English, it reads like this:
****
George FitzHugh [1], dean of the Catholic Church of happy memory in Lincoln, faithful in the Lord Jesus Christ.
I leave my mind and command my spirit to the mercy and the hands of God Almighty, the Holy Trinity, Father and Son and Holy Ghost, in the firm faith and holy hope of eternal redemption through the same mercy of God and through the sweet merit of the glorious passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, from His holy wounds and the copious effusion of His precious blood and intervention from Their mother, the blessed Virgin Mary and all saints, I firmly hope in cleaning [2] and forgiveness of all my sins.
Then I authorise my body to be buried in the Catholic Church of happy memory in Lincoln, where it will be seen as worthy by them who receive care of my burial. What funerary customs I wish, in no other way than to the glory and by the customs of the abovementioned holy church of Lincoln, and as has been previously done by my predecessors or all other clerics.
First, pay again the wages of my servants, who daily in my family [3] serve me, determined by the chequer rolls, and whatever is owed them by calculation of food [4], the household, or in any way, will be paid them by my family. I authorise my horses to be shared by my gentlemen and servants.
I am making executor, so that the same distribute for the well-being of my soul, partly to hear from living voices prayers for me, partly for their wise decisions. Executors I make Lady Alice FitzHugh, my mother [5], who I want to be joined by magister Galfridum [6] Simeon, dean of the king`s chapel and chancellor of the church of Lincoln, magister Roger Lupton, governor of the royal college of Eyton, William Melton, chancellor of the church of York, John Cunstable, magister at the hospital of St. Leonard`s in York, Jacob Bereforde, deputy of Chesterfield, William Clayton, incumbent cantor of the Catholic Church of Lincoln, who are commonly called the Guardians of Peter [7], and two of my servants, Richard Burght and Richard Laveroke, literate. So that in Catholic trust, obeying God in everything, and His most holy church, from this fading light passing [8], I expect to approach and reach eternal light, which God and our Lord Jesus Christ prepared for those that love Him, and for His coming great glory.
(Text in the original Latin here.)
****
[1] George was the second son of Henry and Alice FitzHugh. He had four older siblings - Alice Fiennes, Elizabeth Parr, Richard FitzHugh who would eventually become Baron FitzHugh, and Anne Lovell. He also had three younger brothers. He appears to have been on good terms with his brother-in-law Francis.
[2] His sins being washed away.
[3] George is being rather obscure here, and it`s uncertain whether he means, as he says a bit later, that he wants his family to pay his servants, or whether they are family servants who served him.
[4] Presumably, this does not mean they are owed food, but money for buying food, as seperate from their wages, which would be owed "by the household".
[5] For this request to be made by George, Alice would have to still have been in reasonably good health. In 1505, she was 75.
[6] His name was probably Geoffrey.
[7] St Peter.
[8] That George speaks in the present here, of currently passing from the fading light, could mean he was ailing and expecting to die soon, but he might also be speaking in general terms, of death inevitably coming closer for everyone.
The original text of the will is in Latin. In English, it reads like this:
****
George FitzHugh [1], dean of the Catholic Church of happy memory in Lincoln, faithful in the Lord Jesus Christ.
I leave my mind and command my spirit to the mercy and the hands of God Almighty, the Holy Trinity, Father and Son and Holy Ghost, in the firm faith and holy hope of eternal redemption through the same mercy of God and through the sweet merit of the glorious passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, from His holy wounds and the copious effusion of His precious blood and intervention from Their mother, the blessed Virgin Mary and all saints, I firmly hope in cleaning [2] and forgiveness of all my sins.
Then I authorise my body to be buried in the Catholic Church of happy memory in Lincoln, where it will be seen as worthy by them who receive care of my burial. What funerary customs I wish, in no other way than to the glory and by the customs of the abovementioned holy church of Lincoln, and as has been previously done by my predecessors or all other clerics.
First, pay again the wages of my servants, who daily in my family [3] serve me, determined by the chequer rolls, and whatever is owed them by calculation of food [4], the household, or in any way, will be paid them by my family. I authorise my horses to be shared by my gentlemen and servants.
I am making executor, so that the same distribute for the well-being of my soul, partly to hear from living voices prayers for me, partly for their wise decisions. Executors I make Lady Alice FitzHugh, my mother [5], who I want to be joined by magister Galfridum [6] Simeon, dean of the king`s chapel and chancellor of the church of Lincoln, magister Roger Lupton, governor of the royal college of Eyton, William Melton, chancellor of the church of York, John Cunstable, magister at the hospital of St. Leonard`s in York, Jacob Bereforde, deputy of Chesterfield, William Clayton, incumbent cantor of the Catholic Church of Lincoln, who are commonly called the Guardians of Peter [7], and two of my servants, Richard Burght and Richard Laveroke, literate. So that in Catholic trust, obeying God in everything, and His most holy church, from this fading light passing [8], I expect to approach and reach eternal light, which God and our Lord Jesus Christ prepared for those that love Him, and for His coming great glory.
(Text in the original Latin here.)
****
[1] George was the second son of Henry and Alice FitzHugh. He had four older siblings - Alice Fiennes, Elizabeth Parr, Richard FitzHugh who would eventually become Baron FitzHugh, and Anne Lovell. He also had three younger brothers. He appears to have been on good terms with his brother-in-law Francis.
[2] His sins being washed away.
[3] George is being rather obscure here, and it`s uncertain whether he means, as he says a bit later, that he wants his family to pay his servants, or whether they are family servants who served him.
[4] Presumably, this does not mean they are owed food, but money for buying food, as seperate from their wages, which would be owed "by the household".
[5] For this request to be made by George, Alice would have to still have been in reasonably good health. In 1505, she was 75.
[6] His name was probably Geoffrey.
[7] St Peter.
[8] That George speaks in the present here, of currently passing from the fading light, could mean he was ailing and expecting to die soon, but he might also be speaking in general terms, of death inevitably coming closer for everyone.
Thursday, 15 March 2018
The last will and testament of William Lovell, 7th Baron Lovell, Francis`s grandfather
On 18th March 1455, William Lovell, 7th Baron Lovell, made his will. He was around 58 years old at the time. On 5th June 1455, presumably already ailing, he added two codicils to the will, only eight days before he died on 13th June of that year, of causes unknown.
In the will, William provided generously for his three younger sons, though he was curiously silent about his oldest, John, who would go on to become Francis`s father. Though the bulk of his estates, unless otherwise specified, and of course his baronies, fell to him, William did not name him in the will. He did, however, leave generous amounts to his servants, and as was typical for the time, seemed concerned with both the well-being of his soul and the survival of his family. The complete text of the will, put into modern English, was as follows:
****
"In the name of the blessed trinity, Father and Son and Holy Ghost, I, William Lord Lovell, Burnell and of Holland, whole of mind and of body, make my testament in the manner and form that follows:
First, I bequeath my soul to Almighty God my creature that bought me with his precious blood, and to his blessed Mother, Saint Mary, and to all the holy saints of heaven, and my body to be buried at the Greyfriars in Oxford in such place as I have appointed. [1]
And I will that within eight days after my death, a 1500 masses be done for my soul.
Also I will that my feofees in and of all my manors, lands and tenements, with the appurtenance, In Acton Burnell, Wotton, Croston, Sutton, Holgote, Abbeton, Millynchop, Ewdon Burnell, Acton Raynard, Longedon, Uppynton, Rowton, Ambaston, Chatwall, Wolstauton, Smethcote, Russhebury, Hopebowdelere, and Condour, with the members of the shire of Salop and in all my lands and tenements in Nantwich in the shire of Chester not appointed to my son Harry, the which I have enfeoffed upon great trust, I will that my said feoffes occupy and have all my said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance after my decease by the term of nine years and that there be a sufficient person ordained by the advise of my said feofees and executors to receive all the issues and profites of the said manors, lands and tenements and therewith to pay 222 pounds, thirteen shillings, four pennies that I owe to diverse persons, as it is contained in a paper, unless than I pay it in my life.
Also I will that a chapel and a tomb be made for me and my wife, convenient to our estate that God has called us to, of the same issues and profits, in the place where we shall be buried.[2]
And where I have appointed twenty pounds of livelihood to be purchased with the same issues and profits (unless I purchase it myself in my life) to be amortised for two priests to sing perpetually for the souls of me, my wife and our ancestors. I will that, of the same issues and profits, all the costs about the said amortisment be had and borne.
Also, I will that the same Greyfriars shall have 200 marks of the value. Whereof part shall be in ready money and the remnants in ornaments of their church (by the discretion of my wife, my feoffees and executors or the more part of them) to pray specially for the souls of me and of my wife.
Also, I bequeath to the other three orders of friars in Oxford to each of them 100 shillings to pray specially for the souls of me and my wife and our said ancestors.
Also, to the abbot and convent of Brewer 11 pounds.
Also, to Anne Ogard, my daughter`s daughter [3], to her marriage if she be married worshipfully and to such as is or shall be a lord of name 200 pounds, of the same issues and profits.
And I will that he that so shall receive the issues and profits of the said manors, lands and tenements, yearly account of them before such auditors as shall be assigned by my wife, executors and feoffees or the more part of them.
Also I will that anon after the said nine years after my decease determined that my said feoffees make estate of all the said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance to my next heir [4] and to the heirs of his body lawfully begotten [5]. And for lack of such issue the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
And in the case that the said chantry be founded in my life, then I will that after the term of six years next after my decease determined that my said feoffees of the said manors, lands and tenements make estate unto my next heir and hold to him and to the heirs of his body begotten. And for lack of such issue [6] the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
Also, I will that my feoffees in and of all my manors, lands and tenements that they be enfeoffeed to my use and profit (except the manors, lands and tenements appointed to William, Robert and Henry, my sons, and my manors, lands and tenements in Oxfordshire) anon after my decease make estate unto my next heir [7] and the heirs of his body begotten. And for lack of such issue the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
Also, I will that my feoffees of all my other manors, lands and tenements in the shire of Oxford, except before except, after my decease, of the issues and profits of the same, pay 20 pounds yearly to the sustaining of my said chantry and anniversary unto the time my said chantry be full established and founded, and suffer my next heir to have the issues and profits of all the same manors, lands and tenements over that 20 pounds.
And after the said chantry established and founded of 20 pound of livlihood, I will my feoffees of the same manors, lands and tenements in the said shire of Oxford, except before except, make estate to my next heir and to the heirs of his body begotten, and for lack of such issue the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
Also, I will that my good moveable and unmovable be disposed, after the good discretion of my good executors, by the oversight and survey of my wife.
Also, I charge all my sons, upon my blessing, and as they will answer to God, that they be helping and assisting to my executors to the executing and performing of this my testament and last will.
And executors of this my testament I make Thomas Bylling, sergant of the law, Lucas Laucok, clerk, William Marmeon, William Brawnston.
Also, I will that my wife, in whom I put my most special faith and trust, be surveyor of this my testament, praying and requiring her that she will do her true diligence and part that my said testament may be truly performed, according to my intent. And require and charge my executors that none of them do any great thing touching the execution of my said testament, without they ask advice of her before.
In witness whereof, to this present writing I have put my seal, evening the 18th day of March, the year of our Lord 1455. And the year of the reign of King Henry the Sixth after the conquest 34th.
(First Codicil)
In the name of God, Amen, I, William Lord Lovell, Burnell and of Holland, whole of mind [8], the 5th day of June, the year of our Lord God 1455, and the year of the reign of King Harry the Sixth after the conquest 34th, declare my last will and advice contained in my testament bearing the date of 18th March of the year of our Lord God 1455 and the reign of our sovereign lord the king 34th, and also add to the same testament in manner and form as in this codicil follows:
First, that where I, in the said testament and last will, ordained, disposed and willed that my feoffees in and of all my manors, lands and tenements with their appurtances in Acton Burnell, Wotton, Croston, Sutton, Holgote, Abbeton, Millynchop, Ewdon Burnell, Acton Raynard, Longedon, Uppynton, Rowton, Ambaston, Chatwall, Wolstauton, Smethcote, Russhebury, Hopebowdelere, and Condour with the members of the shire of Salop and in all my lands and tenements in Nantwich in the shire of Chester not appointed to my son Harry, should occupy and have all my said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance after my decease by the term of nine years to perform my said will and testament, as is in the same testament expressed, I will that my said feoffees occupy and have all my said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance after my decease by the term of eleven years [9] then next and continual following, to execute and perform with the issues and profits thereof my said testament. And that my last will, under form as in the said testament is and in this my codicil shall be declared.
Also where I, in my said testament, have appointed 20 pounds of livelihood to be purchased with the said issues and profits, to be amortised for two secular priests to sing perpetually for the souls of me, my wife and my ancestors, I, in this my codicil, will and declare that the said purchase and mortisment be so and in such form that it be 20 pounds clear above all manners of charges, and such livelihood as shall be of no less clear yearly value be liklihood hereafterward: of the which 20 pounds I will that my said two priests have yearly twenty marks. And I will that the warden and the convent of Greyfriars of Oxford have yearly the residue of the said 20 pounds therewith to keep my yearly obit and to re-apparell my said chapel after time it is sufficiently belit and performed.
And pay yearly to the chancellor of Oxford for the time being and offering at my obit five shillings, seven pennies. To his commissary so offering in his absence two shillings, three pennies, and to either of the proctors of the university coming with the said chancellor or his commissary and offering at my said obit twenty pennies.
And to the mayor of Oxford for the time being two shillings, three pennies, and to either of the baileys twenty pennies, in case be that they come and offer at my said yearly obit.
Also, I will that my said executors and feoffees, over the said 20 pounds, purvey books, chalices, and vestements, with other ornaments necessary to the said chapel, and also for bread, wine and wax for all manner of priests that will say mass in the said chapel for evermore.
Also, I will that the said two priests be seculars, bachelors of divinity or at the least masters of arts, virtuous and well disposed to learn and for to proceed in degree. And moreover to preach the word of God in relief of simple curates and edification of Christian souls.
And they, in their open sermons, shall pray specially by name for the souls of me, my wife and my ancestors.
And I will that the said two priests every Sunday and double feast, after time the said chapel is belit and fully performed, at five of the bell in the morning begin the matins of the day in my said chapel, and, after matins said, one of them incontinently say the mass of the day, unless they be absent preaching the word of God. And if both be not so absent, then he, that is not so occupied, say the said matins and mass.
And once in the weekday say placebo and dirge with a mass of requiem of me, my wife and my ancestors and of all Christian souls.
Also, I will that the Lord Lovell for the time being [10] name and present the said two priests (so that they be seculars, bachelors of divinity or at the least masters of arts) to the Chancellor of Oxford for the time being [11]. And the said Chancellor, in case he find them by due examination virtuose and of good conversation and diposed to proceed after my will before declared, admit them to sing in my said chapelafter form by me rehearsed. And if by such examination or otherwise, the said two bachelors of divinity or at least masters of art, so named and presented by the Lord Lovell for the time being, be not found of such conditions and virtue as it is in my will before declared, that then they be in no wise admitted to to sing in the said chapel, but then, after notice had thereof, the said Lord Lovell name and present two other in semblance wise to be examined admitted or refused. Wherein I pray and straightly require and (as much as in me is) I charge the said Lord Lovell and chancellor that they, in naming, presenting, examining and admitting the said two priests, put aside all manner of affectuous partiality, favour, service and reward.
Also, I will and declare that in the case the said two priests, or either of them, be promoted to any benefice, college, chantry, or other office of perpetuity, otherwise be of vicious governance or unclean living before the chancellor lawfully convicted, then that their places in my said chapel, and either of them, so promoted or convicted, be void, and the said Lord Lovell name and present other, in manner and form above rehearsed.
Item, I will and bequeath, in this my codicil, to William my son a bed of bawdkin with cushions and the apparell thereto, paying ten pounds. [12]
Also that, where I willed and ordained in my said testament that, anon after nine years after my decease determined, that my feoffees should make estate of all the said manors, lands and tenements with their appurtenance, under form in my said testament contained, I will that my said feoffees be not charged nor in no wise constrained to make any estate unto the term of eleven years after my decease fully determined.
Also, I will and add to my said testament in this my codicil that my servants be rewarded under form and sums that follow:
- First, to Thomas Lesseller and his wife, 5 shillings
- To Henry Normanvyle, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To Thomas Stotesbury, 10 shillings
- To John Gyfford, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Drew Streighley, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Bernard Delamere, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Thomas Conyers, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Thomas Ingelfeld, 4 pounds, 7 shillings, 3 pennies
- Also, to Mawt Denham, of fee, so long as she is sole, yearly ten mark. And, if she be worshipfully and well married, to her mariage, 12 pounds, 5 shillings, 7 pennies.
- Also Sybill Fowler, when time she shall be married and worshipfully, 20 pounds to her marriage
- Also, to the servants of John Densell, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- Also, to Thomas Aunger, 10 shillings
- to John of Chambre,10 shillings
- to John Appynton, 10 shillings
- to Thomas Clerk, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- to William Aleyn, 10 shillings
- to John Aden, 3 shillings, 3 pennies of fee
- to John Benet, 10 shillings of fee;
- to Richard Whitfeld, 10 shillings
- to John Churche, 32 shillings, 3 pennies
- to William Wynfray, 10 shillings
- to William Skynner, 10 shillings
- to William Grendon, 10 shillings
- to Thomas Ormeston, 20 shillings
- To Thomas Smyth, 10 shillings
- to Thomas Selby, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- to William Blakbourne, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- To Thomas Selman,10 shillings
- to Edmund Blakhall, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- To Iohn Russell, 3 shillings, 3 pennies, of fee;
- to Iohn Barby, 30 shillings, 7 pennies
- To Thomas hunt, 20 sjillings of fee;
- to Richard Milton, 10 shillings
- to William Trumpet, 10 shillings of fee;
- to Geoffrey Taylour, 10 shillings
- to John Woderoff, 30 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Iohn Cransley, 10 shillings
- to John Whighill, 10 shillings of fee.;
- to Henry Yoxhall, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- to John Donver, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Iohn Gylford, 3 shillings, 3 pennies, in whole fee;
- to Ralph Herrys, for keeping of a wood at Minster Lovell, 25 shillings, 7 pennies of fee;
- to the baily of Minster Lovell, 10 shillings
- To Ralph, gardener of Minster Lovell, 10 shillings of fee yearly, for keeping of the garden there, yearly receiving and keeping the fruites therof to the behoof of the household there;
- To William Kollyng, 20 shillings, of fee;
- to Frank Martyn,32 shillings, 3 pennies
- to John Morayn, 35 shillings, 8 pennies .
- to John Culneham, 35 shillings, 8 pennies
- to John Grene, 35 shillings, 8 pennies
- to Derik of the kitchen, 20 shillings
- to Richard of the bakehouse, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To Edmund of the bakehouse, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To John Skirs of the same, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to John Carter, 20 shillings
- to John Lane, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Thomas Blakhalle, 32 shillings, 3 pennies
- to Henry Gaddesby, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To William Broyne, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To Thomas of the Stable, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
And I again require my wife, sons and heirs, in the way of charity and for the love of Almighty God and eschewing the damnation of their souls, that they help and assist, with all such power as God has given them, my feoffees and my executors to execute my said testament and this my will. And that they in no wise let it nor do for to be letted by no manner of mean nor colour.
Item, I will that all my elder feoffees, if there any be in my said manors, lands and tenements, make a release unto Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, and unto his co-feoffees to perform my said testament and will.
Bearing witness hereof: Master Thomas Gascoyne, Doctor of Divinity, Bartholomew Ardern, Thomas Sakvyle, John Grayby, esquires, William Barneville, John Adeen, and John Russell, with other more.
(Second Codicil)
To all true Christian people that this present writing tri-parted intended shall hear or see, William Lord Lovell, Burnell and of Holland, send greeting in our Lord everlasting.
Where that I, the same William Lord Lovell, among other, have enfeoffeed, upon great faith and trust, the right reverend fathers in God, Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England; William, Bishop of Winchester; William Lucy; William Catesby, knights; Robert Danuers (one of the justice of the common place), and other, in and of my manors of Bridelhurst, Obdon, Knoke, Erdescote, Estwamburgh, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Wiltshire and in all my other lands and tenements in the same towns; the manor of Berley with the appurtenance in the shire of Hertford, the manor of Estwycham with the appurtenance in the shire of Kent, and Rotherhith with the appurtenances in the shire of Surrey, the manor of Wodford, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Gloucester, and in all my lands and tenements in Bampton, Little Minster, and elsewhere in the shire of Oxford, with appurtenance, the which were sometimes Eleanor Hill´s, and of a fee form of six pounds, five shillings, seven pennies in the shire of Worcester that the prior of Worcester paid to me for Trympley, the manors of Stene, Hynton, Polebroke, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Northampton, the manor of Crawley with the appurtenance in the shire of Buckes, with all my other lands and tenements in the same towns, and in the twon of Banbury in the shire of Oxford, the manors of Wellington and Pycheford, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Salop, the manors of Bidford and Brome with the appurtenance in the shire of Warwick, the moietie of my lordship of Wolverhampton, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Stafford, with all my other lands and tenements in the same towns,and in all my lands and tenements rents and service with the appurtenance in Nantwich and elsewhere in the shire of Chester, late William Brownyng`s, to have and to hold them and to their heirs forevermore.
I, the said William Lord Lovell, declare my will and intent of the said enfeoffment in manner and form following:
That is to say, that my said feoffees anon after my decease make estate in and of the said manors of Bridelhurst, Obdon, Knoke, Erdescote, Estwamburgh, Berley, Estwycham, Rotherhith, Wodford, fee-form and in all the said other lands and tenements in the same towns, in all the said lands and tenements in Bampton, Little Minster, and elsewhere in the shire of Oxford that were sometime Eleanor Hill`s, with all the appurtenance, to William my second son and to the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten, under the form and conditions following, that of the same William my son or any of the heirs male of his body begotten do or suffer anything to be done by the which the said tail should be discontinued and discontinued, in part or in all, longer or otherwise than for term of the life of the said William my son or of the life of any of his heirs male of his body begotten or during the life of any of the wives of my said son or any of the wives of the heirs male of his body begotten, that then all the said manors of Bridelhurst, Obdon, Knoke, Erdescote, Estwamburgh, Berley, Estwycham, Rotherhith, Wodford, fee-form with all the said other lands and tenements in the same towns, and in the towns of Bampton and Little Minster and elsewhere, specified in the said tail, remain unto the right heirs, and the said estate tailed utterly to be void.
And I pray and require my said feoffees to be helping and assisting my right heirs in the behalf.
And in case the said William my son die without issue male of his body begotten, or else that he or any of his said heirs male (for lack of other issue of me) inherit me and be Lord Lovell, and no such discontinuance made by him nor none of his said heirs male otherwise than is before rehearsed, that then the one half of the said manors, lands, tenements and fee form, with the appurtenance, remain unto Robert Lovell, my third son, and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions to be observed and kept by the same Robert and his heirs male as is before rehearsed to be observed and kept by the said William and his heirs male of his body begotten. And in case the said Robert die without issue males of his body begotten, or else that he or any of his said issue males inherit me and be Lord Lovell, and no discontinuance be made by the same Robert nor none of heirs males of his body begotten, of the said halfendell nor of no parcel thereof otherwise than is before rehearsed, that then the said halfendale remain to Henry Lovell my fourth son and to the heir males of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions to be observed and kept by the same Henry and his heirs male (as is before rehearsed) to be observes and kept by the said William and his heirs male of his body begotten. And for the lack of such issue male of the said Henry, the remainder thereof unto my right heirs. And that the other half of the said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance remain unto the same Henry and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions to be observed and kept by him and his said heirs male (as is before rehearsed) to be observed and kept by the same William and his heirs male of his body begotten.
And in case the said Henry die without issue males of his body begotten,the remainder thereof unto the same Robert and the heirs male of his body begotten under semblance forme and conditions as if before rehearsed. And for lack of such issue male of the said Robert, the remainder thereof unto my right heirs.
Also I pray and require my said feoffees that they, anon after my decease, make estate unto the said Robert my son in and of the said manors of Stene, Hynton, Polebroke, Crawley, with all their other lands and tenements in the same towns and in the town of Banbury, with the appurtenance, to have and hold to him and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under the form and conditions following:
That of the same Robert or any of the heirs male of his body begotten do or suffer anything to be done by the which the said tail should be discontinued and discontinued, in part or in all, longer or otherwise than for term of the life of the said Robert my son or term of the life of any of his heirs male of his body begotten or term of the life of any of the wives of the said Robert or term of life of any of the wives of the heirs male of the said Robert body begotten, that then all the same manors, lands and tenements remain to my right heirs and the said estate utterly to be void.
And I pray and require my said feoffees to be helping and assisting my right heirs in the behalf.
And in case the said Robert die without issue male of his body begotten then the one half of the same manors, lands and tenements, with the appurtenance, so given to the said Robert, shall remain to the same William my son and to the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten, under semblance form and conditions as if before rehearsed to be observed by the same William and his heirs male. And if the said William die without issue male of his body begotten or else that he or any of his said issue male inherit me and be Lord Lovell and no discontinuance be made by him nor none of his heirs male of the said halfendell nor of no part thereof otherwise than is before rehearsed, that then the said halfendell with the appurtenance shall remain to the same Henry and to the heirs male of his body begotten under semblance form and conditions as is before rehearsed, and, for lack of such issue, the remainder thereof, to my right heirs, and that the other half of the said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance shall remain to the same Henry and to the heirs male of his body begotten under semblance form and conditions as if before rehearsed. And in case the said Henry die without such issue of his body begotten the remainder thereof to the same William and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as before rehearsed. And for lack of such issue of the said William, the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
Also I pray and require my said feoffees that they anon after my decease make estate unto the same Henry my son in and of the said manors of Wellington, Pycheford, Bidford, Brome and moietie of the lordship of Wolverhampton and all other lands and tenements in the same towns and in all lands and tenements rents and farms in Nantwich and elsewhere in the shire of Chester, late William Brownyng`s, with the appurtenance, to have and to hold to the same Harry and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under form and conditions following: that if the same Henry or any of the heirs make of his body begotten do or suffer any thing to be done by the which the same tail should be discontinued and discontinued, in part or in all, longer or otherwise than for term of life for the same Henry or term of the life of any of his heirs male of his body begotten or for term of the life of the wives of the same Henry or term of the life of any of the wives of the heirs make of his body begotten, that then the said manors, lands and tenements remain to my right heirs, and that the said estate utterly to be void.
And I pray and require my said feoffees to be helping and assisting my right heirs in the behalf.
And in case the said Henry die without issue male of his body begotten, that then the one half thereof remain to the same William my son and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as is before rehearsed. And in case the said William die without issue male of his begotten, or else that he or any of his said issue male inherit me and be Lord Lovell and no discontinuance be made by him nor none of his said heirs male of the said halfendell, nor of no part thereof, other than is before rehearsed, that then the said halfendell with the appurtenance shall remain to the same Robert my son and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as is before rehearsed, and for lack of such issue of the said Robert the remainder thereof to my right heirs. And that the other half of the said manors, moietie, lands, tenements, rents and services with the appurtenance so given to the said Henry shall remain to the said Robert and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as before rehearsed. And for lack of such issue of the said Robert, the remainder thereof to the said William my son and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as before rehearsed, and for lack of such issue of the said William, the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
In witness I have set to my seal of my my arms."
(Text in the original spelling and language found here.)
****
[1] Whatever place William had chosen in Oxford for his burial, it seems he was not buried there. Instead, for reasons unknown, he was put to rest in St.Kenelm`s Church next to his ancestral home of Minster Lovell Hall.
[2] It is not known where William`s wife, Alice Deincourt, was buried, but it was neither in Oxford nor with her husband in Minster Lovell Hall.
[3] According to Monika Simon, Anne Ogard was the daughter of a Danish knight called Andrew Ogard. He was married to Alice Lovell, perhaps William and Alice`s oldest child, but her birth and death years are unknown. She appears to have been dead by the time her father wrote this will.
[4] His next heir is his oldest son John Lovell, who would go on to become Francis`s father.
[5] These heirs would eventually be Francis and his sisters Joan and Frideswide.
[6] Since William speaks in the conditional here, it is clear that Francis was not yet born when he made the will, nor his birth soon expected. This squares with the evidence of his parents` IPMs and the CPR that he was born in 1456.
[7] It is somewhat bizarre that, having just named his younger sons, William does not identify his "next heir" either by name or relation.
[8] Notably, William leaves out "whole of body" in this codicil, despite having used it for the text of his testament written on 18th March. This and the fact that he died only eight days later suggests he knew his death was imminent when adding these codicils to his will.
[9] What made him decide to add these two years is unknown.
[10] This means that whoever was Lord Lovell at the time that such an appointment was needed would be required to perform this task.
[11] At the time of William`s death, this was George Neville.
[12] Worth 10 pounds.
In the will, William provided generously for his three younger sons, though he was curiously silent about his oldest, John, who would go on to become Francis`s father. Though the bulk of his estates, unless otherwise specified, and of course his baronies, fell to him, William did not name him in the will. He did, however, leave generous amounts to his servants, and as was typical for the time, seemed concerned with both the well-being of his soul and the survival of his family. The complete text of the will, put into modern English, was as follows:
****
"In the name of the blessed trinity, Father and Son and Holy Ghost, I, William Lord Lovell, Burnell and of Holland, whole of mind and of body, make my testament in the manner and form that follows:
First, I bequeath my soul to Almighty God my creature that bought me with his precious blood, and to his blessed Mother, Saint Mary, and to all the holy saints of heaven, and my body to be buried at the Greyfriars in Oxford in such place as I have appointed. [1]
And I will that within eight days after my death, a 1500 masses be done for my soul.
Also I will that my feofees in and of all my manors, lands and tenements, with the appurtenance, In Acton Burnell, Wotton, Croston, Sutton, Holgote, Abbeton, Millynchop, Ewdon Burnell, Acton Raynard, Longedon, Uppynton, Rowton, Ambaston, Chatwall, Wolstauton, Smethcote, Russhebury, Hopebowdelere, and Condour, with the members of the shire of Salop and in all my lands and tenements in Nantwich in the shire of Chester not appointed to my son Harry, the which I have enfeoffed upon great trust, I will that my said feoffes occupy and have all my said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance after my decease by the term of nine years and that there be a sufficient person ordained by the advise of my said feofees and executors to receive all the issues and profites of the said manors, lands and tenements and therewith to pay 222 pounds, thirteen shillings, four pennies that I owe to diverse persons, as it is contained in a paper, unless than I pay it in my life.
Also I will that a chapel and a tomb be made for me and my wife, convenient to our estate that God has called us to, of the same issues and profits, in the place where we shall be buried.[2]
And where I have appointed twenty pounds of livelihood to be purchased with the same issues and profits (unless I purchase it myself in my life) to be amortised for two priests to sing perpetually for the souls of me, my wife and our ancestors. I will that, of the same issues and profits, all the costs about the said amortisment be had and borne.
Also, I will that the same Greyfriars shall have 200 marks of the value. Whereof part shall be in ready money and the remnants in ornaments of their church (by the discretion of my wife, my feoffees and executors or the more part of them) to pray specially for the souls of me and of my wife.
Also, I bequeath to the other three orders of friars in Oxford to each of them 100 shillings to pray specially for the souls of me and my wife and our said ancestors.
Also, to the abbot and convent of Brewer 11 pounds.
Also, to Anne Ogard, my daughter`s daughter [3], to her marriage if she be married worshipfully and to such as is or shall be a lord of name 200 pounds, of the same issues and profits.
And I will that he that so shall receive the issues and profits of the said manors, lands and tenements, yearly account of them before such auditors as shall be assigned by my wife, executors and feoffees or the more part of them.
Also I will that anon after the said nine years after my decease determined that my said feoffees make estate of all the said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance to my next heir [4] and to the heirs of his body lawfully begotten [5]. And for lack of such issue the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
And in the case that the said chantry be founded in my life, then I will that after the term of six years next after my decease determined that my said feoffees of the said manors, lands and tenements make estate unto my next heir and hold to him and to the heirs of his body begotten. And for lack of such issue [6] the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
Also, I will that my feoffees in and of all my manors, lands and tenements that they be enfeoffeed to my use and profit (except the manors, lands and tenements appointed to William, Robert and Henry, my sons, and my manors, lands and tenements in Oxfordshire) anon after my decease make estate unto my next heir [7] and the heirs of his body begotten. And for lack of such issue the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
Also, I will that my feoffees of all my other manors, lands and tenements in the shire of Oxford, except before except, after my decease, of the issues and profits of the same, pay 20 pounds yearly to the sustaining of my said chantry and anniversary unto the time my said chantry be full established and founded, and suffer my next heir to have the issues and profits of all the same manors, lands and tenements over that 20 pounds.
And after the said chantry established and founded of 20 pound of livlihood, I will my feoffees of the same manors, lands and tenements in the said shire of Oxford, except before except, make estate to my next heir and to the heirs of his body begotten, and for lack of such issue the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
Also, I will that my good moveable and unmovable be disposed, after the good discretion of my good executors, by the oversight and survey of my wife.
Also, I charge all my sons, upon my blessing, and as they will answer to God, that they be helping and assisting to my executors to the executing and performing of this my testament and last will.
And executors of this my testament I make Thomas Bylling, sergant of the law, Lucas Laucok, clerk, William Marmeon, William Brawnston.
Also, I will that my wife, in whom I put my most special faith and trust, be surveyor of this my testament, praying and requiring her that she will do her true diligence and part that my said testament may be truly performed, according to my intent. And require and charge my executors that none of them do any great thing touching the execution of my said testament, without they ask advice of her before.
In witness whereof, to this present writing I have put my seal, evening the 18th day of March, the year of our Lord 1455. And the year of the reign of King Henry the Sixth after the conquest 34th.
(First Codicil)
In the name of God, Amen, I, William Lord Lovell, Burnell and of Holland, whole of mind [8], the 5th day of June, the year of our Lord God 1455, and the year of the reign of King Harry the Sixth after the conquest 34th, declare my last will and advice contained in my testament bearing the date of 18th March of the year of our Lord God 1455 and the reign of our sovereign lord the king 34th, and also add to the same testament in manner and form as in this codicil follows:
First, that where I, in the said testament and last will, ordained, disposed and willed that my feoffees in and of all my manors, lands and tenements with their appurtances in Acton Burnell, Wotton, Croston, Sutton, Holgote, Abbeton, Millynchop, Ewdon Burnell, Acton Raynard, Longedon, Uppynton, Rowton, Ambaston, Chatwall, Wolstauton, Smethcote, Russhebury, Hopebowdelere, and Condour with the members of the shire of Salop and in all my lands and tenements in Nantwich in the shire of Chester not appointed to my son Harry, should occupy and have all my said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance after my decease by the term of nine years to perform my said will and testament, as is in the same testament expressed, I will that my said feoffees occupy and have all my said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance after my decease by the term of eleven years [9] then next and continual following, to execute and perform with the issues and profits thereof my said testament. And that my last will, under form as in the said testament is and in this my codicil shall be declared.
Also where I, in my said testament, have appointed 20 pounds of livelihood to be purchased with the said issues and profits, to be amortised for two secular priests to sing perpetually for the souls of me, my wife and my ancestors, I, in this my codicil, will and declare that the said purchase and mortisment be so and in such form that it be 20 pounds clear above all manners of charges, and such livelihood as shall be of no less clear yearly value be liklihood hereafterward: of the which 20 pounds I will that my said two priests have yearly twenty marks. And I will that the warden and the convent of Greyfriars of Oxford have yearly the residue of the said 20 pounds therewith to keep my yearly obit and to re-apparell my said chapel after time it is sufficiently belit and performed.
And pay yearly to the chancellor of Oxford for the time being and offering at my obit five shillings, seven pennies. To his commissary so offering in his absence two shillings, three pennies, and to either of the proctors of the university coming with the said chancellor or his commissary and offering at my said obit twenty pennies.
And to the mayor of Oxford for the time being two shillings, three pennies, and to either of the baileys twenty pennies, in case be that they come and offer at my said yearly obit.
Also, I will that my said executors and feoffees, over the said 20 pounds, purvey books, chalices, and vestements, with other ornaments necessary to the said chapel, and also for bread, wine and wax for all manner of priests that will say mass in the said chapel for evermore.
Also, I will that the said two priests be seculars, bachelors of divinity or at the least masters of arts, virtuous and well disposed to learn and for to proceed in degree. And moreover to preach the word of God in relief of simple curates and edification of Christian souls.
And they, in their open sermons, shall pray specially by name for the souls of me, my wife and my ancestors.
And I will that the said two priests every Sunday and double feast, after time the said chapel is belit and fully performed, at five of the bell in the morning begin the matins of the day in my said chapel, and, after matins said, one of them incontinently say the mass of the day, unless they be absent preaching the word of God. And if both be not so absent, then he, that is not so occupied, say the said matins and mass.
And once in the weekday say placebo and dirge with a mass of requiem of me, my wife and my ancestors and of all Christian souls.
Also, I will that the Lord Lovell for the time being [10] name and present the said two priests (so that they be seculars, bachelors of divinity or at the least masters of arts) to the Chancellor of Oxford for the time being [11]. And the said Chancellor, in case he find them by due examination virtuose and of good conversation and diposed to proceed after my will before declared, admit them to sing in my said chapelafter form by me rehearsed. And if by such examination or otherwise, the said two bachelors of divinity or at least masters of art, so named and presented by the Lord Lovell for the time being, be not found of such conditions and virtue as it is in my will before declared, that then they be in no wise admitted to to sing in the said chapel, but then, after notice had thereof, the said Lord Lovell name and present two other in semblance wise to be examined admitted or refused. Wherein I pray and straightly require and (as much as in me is) I charge the said Lord Lovell and chancellor that they, in naming, presenting, examining and admitting the said two priests, put aside all manner of affectuous partiality, favour, service and reward.
Also, I will and declare that in the case the said two priests, or either of them, be promoted to any benefice, college, chantry, or other office of perpetuity, otherwise be of vicious governance or unclean living before the chancellor lawfully convicted, then that their places in my said chapel, and either of them, so promoted or convicted, be void, and the said Lord Lovell name and present other, in manner and form above rehearsed.
Item, I will and bequeath, in this my codicil, to William my son a bed of bawdkin with cushions and the apparell thereto, paying ten pounds. [12]
Also that, where I willed and ordained in my said testament that, anon after nine years after my decease determined, that my feoffees should make estate of all the said manors, lands and tenements with their appurtenance, under form in my said testament contained, I will that my said feoffees be not charged nor in no wise constrained to make any estate unto the term of eleven years after my decease fully determined.
Also, I will and add to my said testament in this my codicil that my servants be rewarded under form and sums that follow:
- First, to Thomas Lesseller and his wife, 5 shillings
- To Henry Normanvyle, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To Thomas Stotesbury, 10 shillings
- To John Gyfford, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Drew Streighley, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Bernard Delamere, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Thomas Conyers, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Thomas Ingelfeld, 4 pounds, 7 shillings, 3 pennies
- Also, to Mawt Denham, of fee, so long as she is sole, yearly ten mark. And, if she be worshipfully and well married, to her mariage, 12 pounds, 5 shillings, 7 pennies.
- Also Sybill Fowler, when time she shall be married and worshipfully, 20 pounds to her marriage
- Also, to the servants of John Densell, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- Also, to Thomas Aunger, 10 shillings
- to John of Chambre,10 shillings
- to John Appynton, 10 shillings
- to Thomas Clerk, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- to William Aleyn, 10 shillings
- to John Aden, 3 shillings, 3 pennies of fee
- to John Benet, 10 shillings of fee;
- to Richard Whitfeld, 10 shillings
- to John Churche, 32 shillings, 3 pennies
- to William Wynfray, 10 shillings
- to William Skynner, 10 shillings
- to William Grendon, 10 shillings
- to Thomas Ormeston, 20 shillings
- To Thomas Smyth, 10 shillings
- to Thomas Selby, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- to William Blakbourne, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- To Thomas Selman,10 shillings
- to Edmund Blakhall, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- To Iohn Russell, 3 shillings, 3 pennies, of fee;
- to Iohn Barby, 30 shillings, 7 pennies
- To Thomas hunt, 20 sjillings of fee;
- to Richard Milton, 10 shillings
- to William Trumpet, 10 shillings of fee;
- to Geoffrey Taylour, 10 shillings
- to John Woderoff, 30 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Iohn Cransley, 10 shillings
- to John Whighill, 10 shillings of fee.;
- to Henry Yoxhall, 3 shillings, 3 pennies
- to John Donver, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Iohn Gylford, 3 shillings, 3 pennies, in whole fee;
- to Ralph Herrys, for keeping of a wood at Minster Lovell, 25 shillings, 7 pennies of fee;
- to the baily of Minster Lovell, 10 shillings
- To Ralph, gardener of Minster Lovell, 10 shillings of fee yearly, for keeping of the garden there, yearly receiving and keeping the fruites therof to the behoof of the household there;
- To William Kollyng, 20 shillings, of fee;
- to Frank Martyn,32 shillings, 3 pennies
- to John Morayn, 35 shillings, 8 pennies .
- to John Culneham, 35 shillings, 8 pennies
- to John Grene, 35 shillings, 8 pennies
- to Derik of the kitchen, 20 shillings
- to Richard of the bakehouse, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To Edmund of the bakehouse, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To John Skirs of the same, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to John Carter, 20 shillings
- to John Lane, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- to Thomas Blakhalle, 32 shillings, 3 pennies
- to Henry Gaddesby, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To William Broyne, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
- To Thomas of the Stable, 25 shillings, 7 pennies
And I again require my wife, sons and heirs, in the way of charity and for the love of Almighty God and eschewing the damnation of their souls, that they help and assist, with all such power as God has given them, my feoffees and my executors to execute my said testament and this my will. And that they in no wise let it nor do for to be letted by no manner of mean nor colour.
Item, I will that all my elder feoffees, if there any be in my said manors, lands and tenements, make a release unto Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, and unto his co-feoffees to perform my said testament and will.
Bearing witness hereof: Master Thomas Gascoyne, Doctor of Divinity, Bartholomew Ardern, Thomas Sakvyle, John Grayby, esquires, William Barneville, John Adeen, and John Russell, with other more.
(Second Codicil)
To all true Christian people that this present writing tri-parted intended shall hear or see, William Lord Lovell, Burnell and of Holland, send greeting in our Lord everlasting.
Where that I, the same William Lord Lovell, among other, have enfeoffeed, upon great faith and trust, the right reverend fathers in God, Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England; William, Bishop of Winchester; William Lucy; William Catesby, knights; Robert Danuers (one of the justice of the common place), and other, in and of my manors of Bridelhurst, Obdon, Knoke, Erdescote, Estwamburgh, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Wiltshire and in all my other lands and tenements in the same towns; the manor of Berley with the appurtenance in the shire of Hertford, the manor of Estwycham with the appurtenance in the shire of Kent, and Rotherhith with the appurtenances in the shire of Surrey, the manor of Wodford, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Gloucester, and in all my lands and tenements in Bampton, Little Minster, and elsewhere in the shire of Oxford, with appurtenance, the which were sometimes Eleanor Hill´s, and of a fee form of six pounds, five shillings, seven pennies in the shire of Worcester that the prior of Worcester paid to me for Trympley, the manors of Stene, Hynton, Polebroke, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Northampton, the manor of Crawley with the appurtenance in the shire of Buckes, with all my other lands and tenements in the same towns, and in the twon of Banbury in the shire of Oxford, the manors of Wellington and Pycheford, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Salop, the manors of Bidford and Brome with the appurtenance in the shire of Warwick, the moietie of my lordship of Wolverhampton, with the appurtenance, in the shire of Stafford, with all my other lands and tenements in the same towns,and in all my lands and tenements rents and service with the appurtenance in Nantwich and elsewhere in the shire of Chester, late William Brownyng`s, to have and to hold them and to their heirs forevermore.
I, the said William Lord Lovell, declare my will and intent of the said enfeoffment in manner and form following:
That is to say, that my said feoffees anon after my decease make estate in and of the said manors of Bridelhurst, Obdon, Knoke, Erdescote, Estwamburgh, Berley, Estwycham, Rotherhith, Wodford, fee-form and in all the said other lands and tenements in the same towns, in all the said lands and tenements in Bampton, Little Minster, and elsewhere in the shire of Oxford that were sometime Eleanor Hill`s, with all the appurtenance, to William my second son and to the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten, under the form and conditions following, that of the same William my son or any of the heirs male of his body begotten do or suffer anything to be done by the which the said tail should be discontinued and discontinued, in part or in all, longer or otherwise than for term of the life of the said William my son or of the life of any of his heirs male of his body begotten or during the life of any of the wives of my said son or any of the wives of the heirs male of his body begotten, that then all the said manors of Bridelhurst, Obdon, Knoke, Erdescote, Estwamburgh, Berley, Estwycham, Rotherhith, Wodford, fee-form with all the said other lands and tenements in the same towns, and in the towns of Bampton and Little Minster and elsewhere, specified in the said tail, remain unto the right heirs, and the said estate tailed utterly to be void.
And I pray and require my said feoffees to be helping and assisting my right heirs in the behalf.
And in case the said William my son die without issue male of his body begotten, or else that he or any of his said heirs male (for lack of other issue of me) inherit me and be Lord Lovell, and no such discontinuance made by him nor none of his said heirs male otherwise than is before rehearsed, that then the one half of the said manors, lands, tenements and fee form, with the appurtenance, remain unto Robert Lovell, my third son, and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions to be observed and kept by the same Robert and his heirs male as is before rehearsed to be observed and kept by the said William and his heirs male of his body begotten. And in case the said Robert die without issue males of his body begotten, or else that he or any of his said issue males inherit me and be Lord Lovell, and no discontinuance be made by the same Robert nor none of heirs males of his body begotten, of the said halfendell nor of no parcel thereof otherwise than is before rehearsed, that then the said halfendale remain to Henry Lovell my fourth son and to the heir males of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions to be observed and kept by the same Henry and his heirs male (as is before rehearsed) to be observes and kept by the said William and his heirs male of his body begotten. And for the lack of such issue male of the said Henry, the remainder thereof unto my right heirs. And that the other half of the said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance remain unto the same Henry and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions to be observed and kept by him and his said heirs male (as is before rehearsed) to be observed and kept by the same William and his heirs male of his body begotten.
And in case the said Henry die without issue males of his body begotten,the remainder thereof unto the same Robert and the heirs male of his body begotten under semblance forme and conditions as if before rehearsed. And for lack of such issue male of the said Robert, the remainder thereof unto my right heirs.
Also I pray and require my said feoffees that they, anon after my decease, make estate unto the said Robert my son in and of the said manors of Stene, Hynton, Polebroke, Crawley, with all their other lands and tenements in the same towns and in the town of Banbury, with the appurtenance, to have and hold to him and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under the form and conditions following:
That of the same Robert or any of the heirs male of his body begotten do or suffer anything to be done by the which the said tail should be discontinued and discontinued, in part or in all, longer or otherwise than for term of the life of the said Robert my son or term of the life of any of his heirs male of his body begotten or term of the life of any of the wives of the said Robert or term of life of any of the wives of the heirs male of the said Robert body begotten, that then all the same manors, lands and tenements remain to my right heirs and the said estate utterly to be void.
And I pray and require my said feoffees to be helping and assisting my right heirs in the behalf.
And in case the said Robert die without issue male of his body begotten then the one half of the same manors, lands and tenements, with the appurtenance, so given to the said Robert, shall remain to the same William my son and to the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten, under semblance form and conditions as if before rehearsed to be observed by the same William and his heirs male. And if the said William die without issue male of his body begotten or else that he or any of his said issue male inherit me and be Lord Lovell and no discontinuance be made by him nor none of his heirs male of the said halfendell nor of no part thereof otherwise than is before rehearsed, that then the said halfendell with the appurtenance shall remain to the same Henry and to the heirs male of his body begotten under semblance form and conditions as is before rehearsed, and, for lack of such issue, the remainder thereof, to my right heirs, and that the other half of the said manors, lands and tenements with the appurtenance shall remain to the same Henry and to the heirs male of his body begotten under semblance form and conditions as if before rehearsed. And in case the said Henry die without such issue of his body begotten the remainder thereof to the same William and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as before rehearsed. And for lack of such issue of the said William, the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
Also I pray and require my said feoffees that they anon after my decease make estate unto the same Henry my son in and of the said manors of Wellington, Pycheford, Bidford, Brome and moietie of the lordship of Wolverhampton and all other lands and tenements in the same towns and in all lands and tenements rents and farms in Nantwich and elsewhere in the shire of Chester, late William Brownyng`s, with the appurtenance, to have and to hold to the same Harry and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under form and conditions following: that if the same Henry or any of the heirs make of his body begotten do or suffer any thing to be done by the which the same tail should be discontinued and discontinued, in part or in all, longer or otherwise than for term of life for the same Henry or term of the life of any of his heirs male of his body begotten or for term of the life of the wives of the same Henry or term of the life of any of the wives of the heirs make of his body begotten, that then the said manors, lands and tenements remain to my right heirs, and that the said estate utterly to be void.
And I pray and require my said feoffees to be helping and assisting my right heirs in the behalf.
And in case the said Henry die without issue male of his body begotten, that then the one half thereof remain to the same William my son and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as is before rehearsed. And in case the said William die without issue male of his begotten, or else that he or any of his said issue male inherit me and be Lord Lovell and no discontinuance be made by him nor none of his said heirs male of the said halfendell, nor of no part thereof, other than is before rehearsed, that then the said halfendell with the appurtenance shall remain to the same Robert my son and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as is before rehearsed, and for lack of such issue of the said Robert the remainder thereof to my right heirs. And that the other half of the said manors, moietie, lands, tenements, rents and services with the appurtenance so given to the said Henry shall remain to the said Robert and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as before rehearsed. And for lack of such issue of the said Robert, the remainder thereof to the said William my son and to the heirs male of his body begotten, under semblance form and conditions as before rehearsed, and for lack of such issue of the said William, the remainder thereof to my right heirs.
In witness I have set to my seal of my my arms."
(Text in the original spelling and language found here.)
****
[1] Whatever place William had chosen in Oxford for his burial, it seems he was not buried there. Instead, for reasons unknown, he was put to rest in St.Kenelm`s Church next to his ancestral home of Minster Lovell Hall.
[2] It is not known where William`s wife, Alice Deincourt, was buried, but it was neither in Oxford nor with her husband in Minster Lovell Hall.
[3] According to Monika Simon, Anne Ogard was the daughter of a Danish knight called Andrew Ogard. He was married to Alice Lovell, perhaps William and Alice`s oldest child, but her birth and death years are unknown. She appears to have been dead by the time her father wrote this will.
[4] His next heir is his oldest son John Lovell, who would go on to become Francis`s father.
[5] These heirs would eventually be Francis and his sisters Joan and Frideswide.
[6] Since William speaks in the conditional here, it is clear that Francis was not yet born when he made the will, nor his birth soon expected. This squares with the evidence of his parents` IPMs and the CPR that he was born in 1456.
[7] It is somewhat bizarre that, having just named his younger sons, William does not identify his "next heir" either by name or relation.
[8] Notably, William leaves out "whole of body" in this codicil, despite having used it for the text of his testament written on 18th March. This and the fact that he died only eight days later suggests he knew his death was imminent when adding these codicils to his will.
[9] What made him decide to add these two years is unknown.
[10] This means that whoever was Lord Lovell at the time that such an appointment was needed would be required to perform this task.
[11] At the time of William`s death, this was George Neville.
[12] Worth 10 pounds.
Wednesday, 14 March 2018
Babies named after Anne Lovell
I have spoken before about Anne FitzHugh Lovell, Francis`s wife, how little is known about her and how all of the few primary sources which mention her mention her in connection with her husband, which is perhaps why even the very few works of non-fiction mentioning her have almost never paid any heed to her relationship with anyone but him.
What little evidence there is, however, not only suggests she was on very good terms with most of her family, both close and extended, but that both her sisters, Alice and Elizabeth, seemed to favour her. When Elizabeth had her first child, after having married Sir William Parr in around 1474, she chose to name the baby Anne. Since she called all her other children with William Parr after close relatives - her three sons were called after her husband`s father, her husband and his brother - and there was no other Anne in either her or William`s closest family, it stands to reason Elizabeth named her first daughter after her sister Anne Lovell, chosing her as namesake over her other sister and her mother. Perhaps Anne, who was around 16 when the child was born, also stood as godmother to her niece, but this is sheerest speculation and we don`t know.
Elizabeth named her first two children with her second husband Sir Nicholas after his mother, Katherine, and her mother and/or older sister Alice. However, her youngest, she also chose to name Anne. Why she decided to do so, rather than name the child, for example, after Sir Nicholas`s sister Joan, is less certain. Her daughter Anne Parr was still alive, so it is unlikely it was done in her memory. Possibly this youngest daughter was her older half-sister`s godchild, or perhaps Elizabeth named her, too, after Anne Lovell. Anne Vaux was born after 1495, the latest date we know Anne Lovell was still alive, so it is possible Elizabeth had her soon after Anne`s death and chose to honour her like this.
Whyever she named her youngest daughter, the fact she chose Anne Lovell to be the namesake for her first, above all other female relatives, indicates the two were close. In the light of this, it is interesting to note that Alice, like Elizabeth, equally chose to name her first child and daughter Anne. Born in 1468 to Alice and her husband Sir John Fiennes, this child was only eight years younger than her namesake aunt, but like Elizabeth and her two husbands, Alice and Sir John named their children after close family members and had no other very close relatives of that name. It seems, therefore, that Alice, too, was close to Anne Lovell.
Notably, it seems that Anne was not only close to her sisters, but potentially also to her sisters-in-law. Like Elizabeth and Alice FitzHugh, Frideswide Lovell also named her first daughter Anne. Neither she nor her husband Edward Norris had any close relatives named Anne, but in their case, the baby might also have been named after Richard III`s queen, in gratitude to the king for the generous grants he made her. Since the birth year of the baby is not known for certain, it can`t be said if Anne Norris, too, was named after Anne Lovell.
Perhaps most curious is that Anne appears to have been close to her husband`s nephews as well. One of them, Francis`s sister Joan`s younger son, also chose to name one of his many daughters Anne. While neither he nor his wife had any siblings, parents or grandparents of that name, too little is known about them to say if there was not perhaps another candidate after whom the child was called, or if she was perhaps named after a saint. It is, however, telling, that George also chose to name a daughter Frideswide, after his maternal aunt, and a son Francis after his uncle, before the name became hugely popular later that century. This and that the babies so named were born within comparatively short time of each other could well suggest that he, too, wanted to honour Anne Lovell by naming a child after her.
While in the case of Frideswide and George Stapleton, it is speculation whether their daughters were named after Anne Lovell, it is pretty certain for Anne Parr, Anne Vaux and Anne Fiennes. This indicates that Anne Lovell was favoured by their mothers, and probably close to them.
What little evidence there is, however, not only suggests she was on very good terms with most of her family, both close and extended, but that both her sisters, Alice and Elizabeth, seemed to favour her. When Elizabeth had her first child, after having married Sir William Parr in around 1474, she chose to name the baby Anne. Since she called all her other children with William Parr after close relatives - her three sons were called after her husband`s father, her husband and his brother - and there was no other Anne in either her or William`s closest family, it stands to reason Elizabeth named her first daughter after her sister Anne Lovell, chosing her as namesake over her other sister and her mother. Perhaps Anne, who was around 16 when the child was born, also stood as godmother to her niece, but this is sheerest speculation and we don`t know.
Elizabeth named her first two children with her second husband Sir Nicholas after his mother, Katherine, and her mother and/or older sister Alice. However, her youngest, she also chose to name Anne. Why she decided to do so, rather than name the child, for example, after Sir Nicholas`s sister Joan, is less certain. Her daughter Anne Parr was still alive, so it is unlikely it was done in her memory. Possibly this youngest daughter was her older half-sister`s godchild, or perhaps Elizabeth named her, too, after Anne Lovell. Anne Vaux was born after 1495, the latest date we know Anne Lovell was still alive, so it is possible Elizabeth had her soon after Anne`s death and chose to honour her like this.
Whyever she named her youngest daughter, the fact she chose Anne Lovell to be the namesake for her first, above all other female relatives, indicates the two were close. In the light of this, it is interesting to note that Alice, like Elizabeth, equally chose to name her first child and daughter Anne. Born in 1468 to Alice and her husband Sir John Fiennes, this child was only eight years younger than her namesake aunt, but like Elizabeth and her two husbands, Alice and Sir John named their children after close family members and had no other very close relatives of that name. It seems, therefore, that Alice, too, was close to Anne Lovell.
Notably, it seems that Anne was not only close to her sisters, but potentially also to her sisters-in-law. Like Elizabeth and Alice FitzHugh, Frideswide Lovell also named her first daughter Anne. Neither she nor her husband Edward Norris had any close relatives named Anne, but in their case, the baby might also have been named after Richard III`s queen, in gratitude to the king for the generous grants he made her. Since the birth year of the baby is not known for certain, it can`t be said if Anne Norris, too, was named after Anne Lovell.
Perhaps most curious is that Anne appears to have been close to her husband`s nephews as well. One of them, Francis`s sister Joan`s younger son, also chose to name one of his many daughters Anne. While neither he nor his wife had any siblings, parents or grandparents of that name, too little is known about them to say if there was not perhaps another candidate after whom the child was called, or if she was perhaps named after a saint. It is, however, telling, that George also chose to name a daughter Frideswide, after his maternal aunt, and a son Francis after his uncle, before the name became hugely popular later that century. This and that the babies so named were born within comparatively short time of each other could well suggest that he, too, wanted to honour Anne Lovell by naming a child after her.
While in the case of Frideswide and George Stapleton, it is speculation whether their daughters were named after Anne Lovell, it is pretty certain for Anne Parr, Anne Vaux and Anne Fiennes. This indicates that Anne Lovell was favoured by their mothers, and probably close to them.
Saturday, 3 March 2018
Joan Lovell Stapleton and Frideswide Lovell Norris
As with so many people in Francis`s life, little is known about Francis`s sisters, Joan Lovell Stapleton and Frideswide Lovell Norris. As was sadly so often the case with women and in fact even often younger sons, few records were kept in which they are mentioned or information got about them. This means that we have only few facts about them. Those that there are, however, indicate that the siblings were reasonably close.
Joan Lovell was the older of the two sisters. She appears to have been very close to Francis in age, and may in fact even have been his twin. The two would have spent the early years of their childhood together, presumably being cared for by the same people. This could easily have formed a bond between them, but of course we cannot know that, as very little about their childhood is known. One thing we do know is that the two appeared to share a dislike for their father, though the reasons are uncertain. What other opinions, tastes, feelings and habits they shared can only be speculated about.
Frideswide Lovell, their younger sister, almost certainly shared nothing with them in the first years of their lives, for she appears to have been significantly younger. Though there is no certainty about her exact year of birth, it was not before 1463 and evidence such as her uncle William Beaumont`s IPM suggests it was probably 1464.
Francis, therefore, would not have had much time to become close to her before their father died and he was removed from his mother`s household to be brought up as the Earl of Warwick`s ward. In accordance to customs and because they were not heiresses and therefore of less interest to the king, Joan and Frideswide probably stayed in their mother`s household. However, after their mother`s death less than two years later, they appear to have been brought up in the household of the FitzHughs` , Francis`s parents-in-law.
How much they saw of each other in that time, as the significantly older Joan would naturally have received a different sort of education and different rights and duties than the toddler Frideswide, and how much they saw of their brother in that time, we don`t know. By 1470, however, Francis was also in the FitzHugh household, and if they so wished, the siblings could have seen a lot of one another.
Francis stayed in the FitzHugh household until summer 1471, when his wardship was granted to Edward IV`s sister Elizabeth and her husband, John, Duke of Suffolk. As J.M.William`s points out in her article "The Political Career of Francis Viscount Lovell (1456 - ?)", it appears that his sisters stayed with the FitzHughs and did not join him in the Suffolk household. Francis himself stayed there only a year; in 1472, when he was 16, Edward IV took his wardship for himself, by which time Francis may have returned to the FitzHugh household.
It is likely that Joan, then fifteen or sixteen, married between that time and the next summer. Despite the fact that it is often claimed she only married in 1476, there is no evidence for this, and it appears to be based on nothing but the birth date of her first son and child. In fact, it is more likely that she was married by summer 1473 already, for she did not become a member of the Corpus Christi Guild in York as her brother and the rest of the FitzHugh family did. Neither did Frideswide, and the youngest FitzHugh son, both of whom appear to have been too young, but Joan`s absence is most easily explained by her no longer being a member of the FitzHugh household.
Joan`s husband was Brian Stapleton of Carlton, a man around two to five years older than her. What either of them thought of this match is once more unknown. The couple had two sons together. Their first, named Brian after his father, was born in 1477. The second, who received the somewhat surprising name George, was born in 1479. There are some indications in later sources that the couple also had a daughter named Joan, born after George, but if so, she must have died in infancy, as there is no mention of her, or of any sister of Brian`s and George`s to be found, in any primary source.
Between 1479 and 1483, Joan died of causes unknown. She was 26 at the most, 22 at the least. Her husband survived her and on 4th January 1485 he was granted a license to marry again. He died in March 1486, potentially while being involved in his brother-in-law Francis`s rebellion.
Francis`s younger sister, Frideswide, may have married in 1480, when she was around 16. Her husband, Edward Norris, was around a year younger than her. They may also have married before that year, as no documentation about their marriage survives, but by then they were definitely married, for their first child was born in 1481. Interestingly, he was named John. Whether that means Frideswide, who cannot have remembered her father, did not share her older siblings` dislike of him and wanted to honour him, or if, as is often assumed, he was named after her husband`s grandfather John, whose memory was honoured in the Norris family, we do not know.
Only a year later, the couple had their second son, named Henry, presumably after Henry FitzHugh, in whose household Frideswide had grown up. This son would later become (in)famous for being one of Anne Boleyn`s supposed lovers and was one of the five men executed for this.
The couple also had two daughters, but their birth years are uncertain. It seems, even though it is by no means certain, that there was a gap of almost three years between Henry`s birth and that of their first daughter. Why this was, we of course can`t know. They may have had difficulties conceiving, a miscarriage or stillbirth we no longer know about or chosen not to try for another child for reasons of health or personal preference. It is also possible that in 1483, the year in which Richard of Gloucester became king, the couple was divided over political opinions and needed some time to overcome those differences. Edward`s father William, who had originally supported the Lancastrian cause, had accepted Edward IV as king, but rebelled against Richard in autumn 1483. Edward Norris may have supported this, though he never acted against Richard, while Frideswide seemed to support Richard.
Frideswide definitely was favoured by Richard, receiving a "reward" of 50 marks in 1483, as well as an annuity of 100 marks in August 1484, and another annuity of 100 marks from the same venue in January 1485. Around this time, Frideswide gave birth to a daughter called Anne, presumably either after the queen as a sign of gratitude to the king for his generosity to her, or after her brother`s wife, Anne Lovell. It therefore appears that these grants may have been made when Frideswide became certain she was pregnant with her third child, and after she had delivered the baby, but it is by no means certain.
It is also possible that these grants were simply a friendly gesture by Richard to his closest friend`s sister, after her father-in-law`s actions had caused him to be attainted and made the family much poorer and taken her children`s inheritance. This may be supported by the fact that these grants went directly to Frideswide and not to the entire family or even her husband, perhaps to free them from any treasonous stigma. Notably, Frideswide was called "Lovell" and not by her marital name in those grants, and her relation to Francis was noted every time.
It is also notable, as Monika Simon points out in her thesis on the Lovell family, that the bulk of the estates held by Frideswide`s father-in-law and forfeit by his attainder went to Francis, and that there may have been some arrangement to let his sister and brother-in-law receive some of the income to be got by them.
After Richard`s defeat at the Battle of Bosworth, William Norris`s attainder was overturned, and Frideswide`s children returned to their inheritance, though she lost the royal favour she had enjoyed in the years Richard had been king. A year or so later, Frideswide had another daughter, called Margaret after Edward`s sister or perhaps after Henry VII`s mother. Her husband fought on the king`s side at the Battle of Stoke in 1487 and was knighted for it. Apparently, he died only months afterwards, at the age of 22, leaving Frideswide a widow with four young children at the age of 23.
She does not appear to have remarried, and died between 1487 and December 1507, when her uncle William Beaumont died, at which time she was said to be deceased. It is often assumed that she died only months before that, but there is no evidence either for or against this.
It seems, however, that she and her sister-in-law Anne Lovell were close to her sister Joan`s children. Joan`s second son, George, who became father to 14 or 15 children, named one of his daughters after Frideswide, and another Anne, which, given his and his wife`s families, was almost certainly after his aunt-by-marriage or his cousin Anne Norris. He also named one of his sons Francis, before the name became popular, suggesting that he either had fond memories of his uncle or wished to honour his aunts` memories by naming the boy after someone who had mattered to them.
None of the Lovell siblings became very old. Only Frideswide possibly made it past her 31st birthday, but she was definitely no older than 43 when she died. Francis vanished before his 31st birthday and probably died before it as well, and Joan was in her early to mid-twenties at her death. Frideswide`s and especially Joan`s children, however, lived to an old age - the oldest being George Stapleton, who died at the age of 85.
Both Joan and Frideswide have descendants alive today.
Joan Lovell was the older of the two sisters. She appears to have been very close to Francis in age, and may in fact even have been his twin. The two would have spent the early years of their childhood together, presumably being cared for by the same people. This could easily have formed a bond between them, but of course we cannot know that, as very little about their childhood is known. One thing we do know is that the two appeared to share a dislike for their father, though the reasons are uncertain. What other opinions, tastes, feelings and habits they shared can only be speculated about.
Frideswide Lovell, their younger sister, almost certainly shared nothing with them in the first years of their lives, for she appears to have been significantly younger. Though there is no certainty about her exact year of birth, it was not before 1463 and evidence such as her uncle William Beaumont`s IPM suggests it was probably 1464.
Francis, therefore, would not have had much time to become close to her before their father died and he was removed from his mother`s household to be brought up as the Earl of Warwick`s ward. In accordance to customs and because they were not heiresses and therefore of less interest to the king, Joan and Frideswide probably stayed in their mother`s household. However, after their mother`s death less than two years later, they appear to have been brought up in the household of the FitzHughs` , Francis`s parents-in-law.
How much they saw of each other in that time, as the significantly older Joan would naturally have received a different sort of education and different rights and duties than the toddler Frideswide, and how much they saw of their brother in that time, we don`t know. By 1470, however, Francis was also in the FitzHugh household, and if they so wished, the siblings could have seen a lot of one another.
Francis stayed in the FitzHugh household until summer 1471, when his wardship was granted to Edward IV`s sister Elizabeth and her husband, John, Duke of Suffolk. As J.M.William`s points out in her article "The Political Career of Francis Viscount Lovell (1456 - ?)", it appears that his sisters stayed with the FitzHughs and did not join him in the Suffolk household. Francis himself stayed there only a year; in 1472, when he was 16, Edward IV took his wardship for himself, by which time Francis may have returned to the FitzHugh household.
It is likely that Joan, then fifteen or sixteen, married between that time and the next summer. Despite the fact that it is often claimed she only married in 1476, there is no evidence for this, and it appears to be based on nothing but the birth date of her first son and child. In fact, it is more likely that she was married by summer 1473 already, for she did not become a member of the Corpus Christi Guild in York as her brother and the rest of the FitzHugh family did. Neither did Frideswide, and the youngest FitzHugh son, both of whom appear to have been too young, but Joan`s absence is most easily explained by her no longer being a member of the FitzHugh household.
Joan`s husband was Brian Stapleton of Carlton, a man around two to five years older than her. What either of them thought of this match is once more unknown. The couple had two sons together. Their first, named Brian after his father, was born in 1477. The second, who received the somewhat surprising name George, was born in 1479. There are some indications in later sources that the couple also had a daughter named Joan, born after George, but if so, she must have died in infancy, as there is no mention of her, or of any sister of Brian`s and George`s to be found, in any primary source.
Between 1479 and 1483, Joan died of causes unknown. She was 26 at the most, 22 at the least. Her husband survived her and on 4th January 1485 he was granted a license to marry again. He died in March 1486, potentially while being involved in his brother-in-law Francis`s rebellion.
Francis`s younger sister, Frideswide, may have married in 1480, when she was around 16. Her husband, Edward Norris, was around a year younger than her. They may also have married before that year, as no documentation about their marriage survives, but by then they were definitely married, for their first child was born in 1481. Interestingly, he was named John. Whether that means Frideswide, who cannot have remembered her father, did not share her older siblings` dislike of him and wanted to honour him, or if, as is often assumed, he was named after her husband`s grandfather John, whose memory was honoured in the Norris family, we do not know.
Only a year later, the couple had their second son, named Henry, presumably after Henry FitzHugh, in whose household Frideswide had grown up. This son would later become (in)famous for being one of Anne Boleyn`s supposed lovers and was one of the five men executed for this.
The couple also had two daughters, but their birth years are uncertain. It seems, even though it is by no means certain, that there was a gap of almost three years between Henry`s birth and that of their first daughter. Why this was, we of course can`t know. They may have had difficulties conceiving, a miscarriage or stillbirth we no longer know about or chosen not to try for another child for reasons of health or personal preference. It is also possible that in 1483, the year in which Richard of Gloucester became king, the couple was divided over political opinions and needed some time to overcome those differences. Edward`s father William, who had originally supported the Lancastrian cause, had accepted Edward IV as king, but rebelled against Richard in autumn 1483. Edward Norris may have supported this, though he never acted against Richard, while Frideswide seemed to support Richard.
Frideswide definitely was favoured by Richard, receiving a "reward" of 50 marks in 1483, as well as an annuity of 100 marks in August 1484, and another annuity of 100 marks from the same venue in January 1485. Around this time, Frideswide gave birth to a daughter called Anne, presumably either after the queen as a sign of gratitude to the king for his generosity to her, or after her brother`s wife, Anne Lovell. It therefore appears that these grants may have been made when Frideswide became certain she was pregnant with her third child, and after she had delivered the baby, but it is by no means certain.
It is also possible that these grants were simply a friendly gesture by Richard to his closest friend`s sister, after her father-in-law`s actions had caused him to be attainted and made the family much poorer and taken her children`s inheritance. This may be supported by the fact that these grants went directly to Frideswide and not to the entire family or even her husband, perhaps to free them from any treasonous stigma. Notably, Frideswide was called "Lovell" and not by her marital name in those grants, and her relation to Francis was noted every time.
It is also notable, as Monika Simon points out in her thesis on the Lovell family, that the bulk of the estates held by Frideswide`s father-in-law and forfeit by his attainder went to Francis, and that there may have been some arrangement to let his sister and brother-in-law receive some of the income to be got by them.
After Richard`s defeat at the Battle of Bosworth, William Norris`s attainder was overturned, and Frideswide`s children returned to their inheritance, though she lost the royal favour she had enjoyed in the years Richard had been king. A year or so later, Frideswide had another daughter, called Margaret after Edward`s sister or perhaps after Henry VII`s mother. Her husband fought on the king`s side at the Battle of Stoke in 1487 and was knighted for it. Apparently, he died only months afterwards, at the age of 22, leaving Frideswide a widow with four young children at the age of 23.
She does not appear to have remarried, and died between 1487 and December 1507, when her uncle William Beaumont died, at which time she was said to be deceased. It is often assumed that she died only months before that, but there is no evidence either for or against this.
It seems, however, that she and her sister-in-law Anne Lovell were close to her sister Joan`s children. Joan`s second son, George, who became father to 14 or 15 children, named one of his daughters after Frideswide, and another Anne, which, given his and his wife`s families, was almost certainly after his aunt-by-marriage or his cousin Anne Norris. He also named one of his sons Francis, before the name became popular, suggesting that he either had fond memories of his uncle or wished to honour his aunts` memories by naming the boy after someone who had mattered to them.
None of the Lovell siblings became very old. Only Frideswide possibly made it past her 31st birthday, but she was definitely no older than 43 when she died. Francis vanished before his 31st birthday and probably died before it as well, and Joan was in her early to mid-twenties at her death. Frideswide`s and especially Joan`s children, however, lived to an old age - the oldest being George Stapleton, who died at the age of 85.
Both Joan and Frideswide have descendants alive today.
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